Employee compensation methods vary from district to district, but to a large extent, they are driven by employee satisfaction. In this section, we will examine each of the three main employee groups individually: teachers, non-certified personnel, and administrators. However, before discussing compensation models, it is important to understand the concept of salary market philosophy.
- Is it fair for teachers to argue that they should be paid more than auto mechanics because they have a higher level of education?
- Do superintendents in a particular geographic area earning an average of $150,000 have a valid point when they argue that they should be paid more since superintendents in another region of the state average $195,000?
- Is it valid for teachers in one district to select the teacher salary schedule from the highest paying district in the state and demand that they be paid the same argue that they work just as hard?
- Is the school board fair when it contends during the collective bargaining process that their teachers are too highly paid when the Board selectively chose 10 of the lowest paying school districts in the area for comparison?
The answers, of course, are no. Educators, similar to other professions, are compensated commensurate to what other educators are paid within some logically defined market. This market area usually includes some specific geographic boundaries and type of district (K-8, 9-12, or K-12). Often both the teachers and school boards focus on a defined market during the collective bargaining process.
By way of example, in the school district where I served as superintendent, we had an agreement that the “salary market” for teacher compensation included all the elementary and high school districts in three townships: Evanston, New Trier, and Niles. This helped provide focus during the bargaining process.
Defining the market is only the first step in the compensation process. The second is establishing a market philosophy. That is, setting a target for employee compensation in the market area. Some districts have clearly defined market positions such as “We want our employees to be paid at the average of the market.” Others may not actually define a market philosophy, but see one emerge as actual salaries are determined.
To illustrate the market philosophy, let’s consider this. For FY2008 Chicago School District 299 had a starting salary (BA Step 1) of $44,963 and a top (Ph.D/Ed.D. Step 13) (Chicago Public Schools, 2008) of $82,375. In contrast, Skokie School District 68 began at $42,417 and topped out (MA32 Step 30) at $97,559.
If I was interpreting the compensation philosophies of these two school districts, I might conclude that Chicago 299 is primarily interested in attracting new teachers since it offers a substantially higher beginning salary but less committed to the career faculty members because of its lower top salary. On the other hand, because of its high MA32 Step 30 salary, Skokie 68’s philosophy is probably designed to reward longevity and reduce teacher turnover.
Also, one other important factor impacts employee compensation – ability to pay. Some school districts have more financial resources than others, and therefore, are more able to compensate their employees at a higher level. Therefore, a school district’s financial position also factors into compensation decisions.
These factors (market position, market philosophy, and financial health) are integral to understanding the different compensation levels offered by school districts and the intent of systems to attract and retain employees.
Even though calls for merit plan plans or performance bonuses are increasingly common, teachers are still paid similarly to the way they have been paid for decades. That is, they are compensated through teacher salary schedules on which salary increases are based on experience (steps) and the number of semester graduate credits (lanes) earned. The number of steps and lanes vary, however, from district to district and are usually determined through the collective bargaining process. They are also influenced heavily by the financial position of the school district since a lack of resources may limit the increase the board of education is willing to accept. A sample school district FY 2010-11 teacher salary schedule follows:
You probably noticed that along the left side there are 30 steps. Teachers move up one step each year. This is what is referred to as the step increase. One source of confusion and sometimes disagreement in collective bargaining relates to the step increase. Traditionally, teachers do not equate a step change to a raise while school board members do. The reality is that step movement is a raise because it increases a teacher’s salary from one year to the next. Even if the salary schedule as a whole did not change, teachers would still receive higher salaries the following year as they moved up a step. Only those at step 30 would not see an increase.
During presentations to the board of education or during contract negotiations, you will hear the term, average cost of step. As part of the budget preparation process or during collective bargaining, school business officials will calculate the average cost of the step increase. This figure represents the average percentage increase to the board for all teachers. It is not uncommon for an average cost of a step increase to be 2% or more. Therefore, without any salary schedule increase, teachers will average 2% higher salaries merely because they moved up a step on the teacher salary schedule.
In addition to steps, teachers’ salaries increase if they earn additional graduate study credit. You will notice that our sample teacher salary schedule has seven lanes ranging from BA to MA+32. The number of lanes varies significantly from district to district; however, they too have additional salary increases associated with them. Therefore, teachers who move up a step and earn enough graduate course credit to change lanes would receive raises for both even if the schedule stayed the same.
To illustrate this further, let’s take a look at the percentage increase a teacher would receive on our sample schedule even if the schedule remained the same from year to year. For calculation purposes, here are our assumptions.
- Teacher moved from BA Step 4 to MA Step 5; and,
- The salary schedule as a whole remained the same
Table 2: Salary Increase Cost Comparison
| FY 2011 Salary |
FY 2012 Salary |
Salary Increase |
Salary Increase |
| $52,377 |
$60,720 |
$8,343 |
15.9% |
Isn’t this interesting? This particular teacher would receive a 15.9% increase without any schedule change. The FY2008 salary would even be higher if the entire salary schedule increased.
Finally, you may also be familiar with the term “schedule increase”. Traditionally, teacher schedules in their entirety increase annually. When the complete schedule increases, this is referred to as a schedule increase.
Most teachers actually receive at least two separate annual increases: schedule and step. Some also qualify for a lane-related increase if they earn additional graduate course credit. Is it any wonder that when contract negotiations heat up and percent increase figures are discussed by the Board and teachers was well as written about in local newspapers that there is some confusion?
In addition to the steps and lanes on our sample schedule, you also see something called the index. Many but not all salary schedules are built on indexes. When salary schedules are distributed to teachers, sometimes the indexes are not included because they can be a source of confusion for those not familiar with salary schedule structures. What most teachers really want to know is – “What is my salary for the year”?
Administrators need to understand salary schedule indexing. In the schedule above, the index represents the percentage that any point on the salary schedule is higher than the base (BA Step1) salary. To illustrate this, look at BA Step I. The salary for this step is $46,351. BA Step 2 has an index of 1.03. To calculate the salary for BA Step 2, you multiple the base salary $46,351 by the index for the step (1.03) resulting in a BA Step 2 salary of $47,742.
The same process is used to establish each point on the salary schedule. One advantage of this system is that a district can negotiate a base salary then create a spreadsheet with built in indexes to almost instantly create a salary schedule.
A salary schedule indexing system can provide valuable insights into a school district’s salary philosophy. If you study the indexing pattern in Figure 9.2, what conclusion might you draw about this school district’s salary philosophy? Here are a few that I would suggest. The school district:
- Encourages teachers to earn their masters degree. Note the large increase in index points between the BA+16 and MA lanes.
- Encourages increased educational training up to the MA level but does not value it as much beyond that since index point increases are much smaller.
- Strives to increase teachers’ salaries more quickly during their first 15 years, possibly to achieve earlier comparability in the market area. Beyond that point, index points only increase .01 to .02 annually.
- Encourages employee longevity. Not only does it have a 30 step scale, but the top salary is substantial.
You may want to examine your own district’s salary schedule to see what patterns you can identify.
Another common feature of teacher compensation programs is the inclusion of longevity provisions. These are usually additional salary amounts which are added to teachers’ salaries the year after they have reached the last step on the schedule. These emerge from the collective bargaining process and are generally listed as a footnote on the salary schedule. If, for example, the district represented in Figure 9.2 had a $500 per year longevity provision, a teacher with 31 years of service in the MA32 lane would be paid $107,107. Longevity increases are cumulative and continue as long as the teacher is employed.
Finally, it is important to recognize that not only does the teacher salary schedule approach have a long history in public education, but the Illinois state legislature has all but ensured that the present model will continue with passage of the Illinois Labor Relations Act of 1984. This law requires school boards to bargain collectively with teacher unions. In essence, it narrows the compensation model options by requiring agreement from teachers before any change can be made in teacher salaries (Braun, 2008).
Non-certified personnel (support staff) compensation models tend to be less structured than those of teachers. Even though they enjoy the same collective bargaining rights as teachers, a smaller percent of support staff groups tend to form unions. Historically, they have not sought the same level of unionization as teachers. They also tend to be smaller groups which were not initially as universally organized as were teachers by national level associations such as the American Federation of Teacher or the National Education Association. Support staff may either affiliate with teachers’ union or form their own.
Although some school districts compensate support staff using a salary schedule model, others are paid primarily on an hourly basis or through some version of a merit-based plan. Others receive annual salaries not tied directly to schedules. Therefore, you will find among districts a variety of compensation models often primarily a function of local past practices and tradition.
Finally, one common misunderstanding among school administrators is that salaried support staff members are exempt from the overtime pay provisions of the Fair Labor Standards Act (Braun, 2008). Even if employees are salaried, they are entitled to overtime pay unless they meet the legal standards for exempt status.
In Illinois, administrators are management. As such, their salaries are set at the discretion of the board of education. For the most part, administrators need an Illinois Type 75 General Administrative certificate. However, certain employees in some districts, such as psychologists or deans of students, are not part of a bargaining unit nor required to hold a Type 75 certificate. They may, however, be compensated under the administrative classification.
Administrative compensation models vary from school district to school district. Several of the most common approaches are discussed below.
Although Illinois administrators are not permitted to bargain collectively because they are classified as management employees, school boards may chose to cooperate with administrators as a group as occurs in Chicago 299 (Chicago Public Schools, 2008) . Under this approach, a salary schedule model is used to establish compensation by administrative positions.
Across the Board Increases. Another common compensation model is some form of across the board raises. Sometimes the percentage increase is equal to that of other employee groups. Under this approach, administrators typically receive the same percentage increase given to other employee groups such as teachers. However, even with an across the board model, it is not uncommon for boards of education to make exceptions for certain administrators who are viewed as underpaid. The term “catch up” is used to describe a special additional one-time salary increase.
Merit Increases. Unlike teachers, administrators may be compensated under some version of a merit pay plan. Whether this takes the form of linking administrators’ salary increases to performance indicators or the awarding of a bonus, merit plans tend to be individual in nature. In many instances, actual salary increases under merit plans may be tied more to meeting broad goals or even the reputation of the administrator as perceived by the board of education and/or superintendent rather than exact quantitative criteria. Nonetheless, this model is common in Illinois.
Unique Plans. In addition to the above approaches, school boards may adopt any other compensation model they choose. In one district in which I served, administrators were paid based upon their position in the salary market. The compensation philosophy was to pay administrators toward the low end of the salary market range for their position when they were hired. Then, as they performed satisfactorily over a number of years, their salaries would increase to the point that they ultimately reached the third quartile of their market.
Quartile refers to the position of the salary in the market. For example, if you had a market composed of 19 administrators whose salaries were ranked from the bottom to the top. The 5th salary from the bottom would be the 1st quartile, the 10th would represent the second quartile or median while the 15th would be the 3rd quartile. Therefore, at the 3rd quartile, three-quarters of the salaries in the market would be lower.
Under this model, each year an administrator’s salary would be compared to a quartile distribution for that position in the market. Any administrator at or below the 3rd quartile of their market would receive a market-based increase. Those who fell below the 3rd quartile would receive an additional “catch up” increase depending upon their market position. For example, if an administrator’s salary fell in the 1st quartile (the lowest salary up to the first quartile), the person would receive an additional 3% salary increase. From the 1st quartile to the 2nd quartile or median, the increase would be 2%; while above the median to the 3rd quartile, the salary raise would increase 1%. However, if an administrator’s salary exceeded the 3rd quartile, the person would have 1% deducted from the market increase since the compensation philosophy goal was to pay administrators at the 3rd quartile of the market.
Through this process, administrators were well paid but not the highest. Since the system was market data-driven versus arbitrary, it was perceived by administrators as fair and equitable. It is also important to note that the superintendent could recommend a smaller or even no raise for any administrator not performing to district standards